Introduction

1 F. Battenberg, Żydzi w Europie. Proces rozwoju mniejszości żydowskiej w nieżydowskim środowisku Europy 1650-1933, Wrocław, 2008, pp. 336-337.

2 Ibid., pp. 340-341.

3 Ibid., pp. 337, 382.

4 Ibid., p. 425.

5 It is worth noting the following studies: W. Szczerbiński, "Od alienacji do akceptacji. Antysemityzm - antyjudaizm - antyżydowskość - antysyjonizm," Studia Europaea Gnesnensia 6 (2012), pp. 95-108; R. Kolarzowa, "Antysemityzm jako element konstytutywny polskiego habitusu," Teksty Drugie 3 (2018), pp. 227-240; D. Trollet, "Antyjudaizm i antysemityzm w świecie chrześcijańskim od późnej starożytności po epokę nowożytną," Rocznik Naukowo-Dydaktyczny WSP w Krakowie 203 (1999), pp. 95-107; A. Meller, "Antysemityzm czy antyjudaizm na łamach miesięcznika 'Pro Christo' (1924-1939)," Historia i Polityka 8, no. 1 (2009), http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/HiP.2009.001 (accessed 24 September 2025); P. Trojański, "Antyjudaizm i antysemityzm na przestrzeni wieków," a series of lectures on the history of Holocaust at the International Centre for Education about Auschwitz and the Holocaust at Auschwitz Museum, http://lekcja.auschwitz.org/23_pl_antyjudaizm/ (accessed 15 May 2023).

6 See H. Arendt, Antisemitism: Part One of The Origins of Totalitarianism, New York, 1968, p. 227.

7 "Antysemityzm," Polin. Wirtualny Sztetl, https://sztetl.org.pl/pl/slownik/antysemityzm (accessed 24 September 2023); W. Szczerbiński, Od alienacji do akceptacji, p. 99.

8 Ibid., p. 100.

9 P. Trojański, Antyjudaizm i antysemityzm na przestrzeni wieków.

10 Jewish rabbis who, since the demolition of Jerusalem (70 AD), have considered their activity a continuation of the Pharisees' movement, exhibited a hostile attitude towards Christians from the very beginning. The reorientation of Judaism was hence turned against these trends that were likely to succumb to the influence of Christianity. From the time of the Council of Jamnia (Yavneh, 90 AD), Rabbinic Judaism was adopting a stance that was clearly oppositional to Christianity, which was treated with contempt. See Bóg, Biblia, Mesjasz. Z księdzem profesorem Waldemarem Chrostowskim rozmawiają Grzegorz Górny i Rafał Tichy, Warsaw, 2015, pp. 362, 365-366; P. Lisicki, Kto zabił Jezusa, Cracow, 2013, pp. 60-61.

11 D. Trollet, Antyjudaizm i antysemityzm, p. 106.

12 "Antysemityzm," Polin. Wirtualny Sztetl.

13 Particularly in light of the scientific publications whose authors wrote about Bishop Gawlina as one of the most prominent Polish antisemites or about the anti-Jewish regime he supported. See Z. Avital, "The Polish Government in Exile and the Jewish Question," Wiener Library Bulletin, New Series 37, no. 33/34 (1975), pp. 44, 47; N. Weinstock, "Sur Shmuel Zygielbojm (II)," Revue d'histoire de la Shoah 159, no. 1 (1997), p. 167; W. Cieński, Od Lwowa do Teheranu. Wspomnienia duszpasterskie 1939-1942, comp. and ed. J. Żurek, Katowice-Warsaw, 2021, p. 105.

14 H. Olszar, Duchowieństwo katowickie diecezji śląskiej (katowickiej) w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej, Katowice, 2000, p. 371.

15 This was evidenced by tense relations with Gen. Władysław Sikorski or Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński (S. Wesoły, "Stosunki między generałem Sikorskim i biskupem J. Gawliną," Zeszyty Historyczne 95 (1991), pp. 20-54; M. Kłakus, "Relacje Prymasa Polski Stefana Wyszyńskiego i Protektora Wychodźstwa Polskiego (a)bpa Józefa Gawliny (w świetle ­dokumentów Archiwum Polskiej Misji Katolickiej we Francji)," in Nieznane karty z życia ­biskupa Józefa Gawliny w świetle dokumentów, ed. J. Myszor and D. Bednarski, Katowice, 2015, pp. 175-191).

16 Arcybiskup Józef Gawlina: Wspomnienia, comp. and ed. J. Myszor, Katowice, 2004; Biskup Józef Gawlina w Związku Sowieckim, ed. J. Myszor, Warsaw, 2013; J. Gawlina, In viam pacis. Dziennik Biskupa Polowego Wojska Polskiego 1939-1945, ed. J. Myszor, Katowice, 2019; Korespondencja Augusta Hlonda i Józefa Gawliny w latach 1924-1948, rev. and ed. J. Myszor, D. Bednarski, and J. Konieczny, Katowice, 2022; J. Pakuza, Życie religijne wygnańców pol­skich w Związku Sowieckim w latach 1939-1945 na podstawie wspomnień, Katowice, 2018.

17 R. Modras, Kościół katolicki i antysemityzm w Polsce w latach 1933-1939, Cracow, 2004. Roland Modras (1937-2018) was a theology professor at the Catholic Washington University in Saint Louis, USA.

18 D. Pałka, Kościół katolicki wobec Żydów w Polsce międzywojennej, Cracow, 2006.

19 D. Libionka, "Polska hierarchia kościelna wobec eksterminacji Żydów - próba krytycznego ujęcia," Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały 5 (2009), pp. 19-69.

20 T. Gąsowski, Pod sztandarami Orła Białego. Kwestia żydowska w Polskich Siłach Zbrojnych w czasie II wojny światowej, Cracow, 2002.

21 J. Żurek and T. Rygier, "Kwestia żydowska w Armii Polskiej w ZSRR i biskup polowy Józef Gawlina," Studia i Materiały Centralnej Biblioteki Wojskowej im. Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego 10, no. 1 (2019), pp. 121-198.

22 M. Siekierski and F. Tych, Widziałem Anioła Śmierci: losy deportowanych Żydów polskich w ZSRR w latach II wojny światowej. Świadectwa zebrane przez Ministerstwo Informacji i Dokumentacji Rządu Polskiego na Uchodźstwie w latach 1942-1943, Warsaw, 2006.

23 Duszpasterstwo wojskowe wobec działań zbrojnych II wojny światowej w świetle dokumentów i rozporządzeń biskupa polowego Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie, part 1-2, ed. A.C. Żak and M. Wesołowski, Warsaw, 2007-2008; Z. Werra, Działalność duszpasterska w 2. Korpusie Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie gen. Władysława Andersa 1941-1946, Warsaw, 2009; W. Cieński, Od Lwowa do Teheranu; J. Borkowicz, "Duszpasterska i charytatywna działalność biskupa polowego Wojska Polskiego Józefa Gawliny w latach 1939-1945," part 1, Śląskie Studia Historyczno-Teologiczne 19-20 (1986/1987), pp. 213-228; part 2, Śląskie Studia Historyczno-Teologiczne 21 (1988), pp. 191-213; A. Jaskuła, "Biskup polowy Wojska Polskiego Józef Felix Gawlina (1892-1964)," Biuletyn Wojskowej Służby Archiwalnej 29 (2007), pp. 288-315; J.W. Wysocki, "Duszpasterstwo wojskowe w Armii Polskiej w ZSRR i w Armii Wojska Polskiego," Saeculum Christianum 20 (2013), pp. ­217-232; J. Odziemkowski and B. Spychała, Duszpasterstwo wojskowe w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej, Warsaw, 1987; J. Odziemkowski, Służba duszpasterska Wojska Polskiego 1914-1945, Warsaw, 1998; K. Kantak, "L'Aumônerie Militaire Polonaise en U.R.S.S. (1941-1942)," in Sacrum Poloniae Millenium. Rozprawy - szkice - materiały historyczne, vols 8-9, introd. M. Gawlińska, Rome, 1962, pp. 325-446.

24 J. Gawlina, "Nasz stosunek do Żydów i Starego Testamentu," Ruch Katolicki 1 (1943), pp. 18-23.

25 Only some of Archbishop Szczepan Wesoły's works can be found there.

26 Despite Bishop Gawlina's pleas, the chaplains were denied an official stay in the USSR by the Soviet authorities.

27 J. Tomaszewski, "Wokół obywatelstwa Żydów polskich," in Narody. Jak powstawały i jak wybijały się na niepodległość, ed. M. Kula, Warsaw, 1989, pp. 507-508.

Endnotes

Chapter I. Józef Gawlina's Opinion on Jews

1 D. Bednarski, Biskup Józef Gawlina jako opiekun Polaków na emigracji, Katowice, 2019, p. 45.

2 As early as in lower secondary school, Gawlina was organising a Polish literature club (A. Jaskuła, "Biskup polowy Wojska Polskiego Józef Felix Gawlina (1892-1964)," Biuletyn Wojskowej Służby Archiwalnej 29 [2007], p. 289).

3 This is evidenced by the voting results in a plebiscite where 100 people voted for joining Poland, whereas 101 individuals voted for Germany (including 40 immigrants) (https://ziemiaraciborska.pl/raciborz-i-powiat-przed-plebiscytem-20-03-1921-roku-cz-2/ [accessed 15 April 2023]).

4 Arcybiskup Józef Gawlina, p. 194.

5 Ibid.

6 When stationed in Palestine, Gawlina noted, "This time, Jews sided with Egypt - England, expecting England to form an independent Jewish state, Palestine. The Jewish flattery was nothing but audacious. For instance, at that time, one Jewish-English newspaper ventured off into severe historical idiocy by claiming that the kings of England originated in David and the kings of Judah" (J. Gawlina, Pamiętniki 1917-1919, Białystok, 2006, pp. 133-134). Furthermore, in his memoirs (Wspomnienia), he wrote, "To our great disbelief, Jews were transferred to a special barrack for Christmas, where they were given plenty of pies, fruit, poultry, and wine. This stood at odds with our Christian celebrations, which did not stand out in any way from the usual grim reality of imprisonment; there were even frequent attempts at preventing us from celebrating the mass" (Arcybiskup Józef Gawlina, p. 194).

7 A. Namysło, "Społeczności żydowskie na Górnym Śląsku w 1918 roku," in Rok 1918 na Górnym Śląsku. Przełom społeczno-polityczny i jego konsekwencje, ed. S. Rosenbaum, Warsaw, 2020, pp. 255-256.

8 M. Wodziński, "Żydzi wobec konfliktów narodowych na Górnym Śląsku," in Kościoły i związki wyznaniowe a konflikt polsko-niemiecki na Górnym Śląsku w latach 1919-1921, ed. Z. Kapała and J. Myszor, Bytom, 2005, pp. 64, 67.

9 A. Namysło, "Światy równoległe? Wpływ powstania niepodległego państwa polskiego w 1919 roku na stosunki żydowsko-żydowskie na Górnym Śląsku w latach 1922-1939," in Polscy Żydzi dla Niepodległej (1918-1939). Historia - Kultura - Literatura, ed. S.J. Żurek, Lublin, 2020, p. 245.

10 Arcybiskup Józef Gawlina, p. 203; A. Landau-Czajka, Syn będzie Lech...: asymilacja Żydów w Polsce międzywojennej, Warsaw, 2006, p. 413.

11 Ibid.

12 According to Jerzy Tomaszewski, robberies of shops by the impoverished rural and urban population in Galicia were taking place regardless of the nationality or religion of the shop owners. Nonetheless, he did not rule out that these facts could be assessed ­differently as a threat to the life and property of Jews (J. Tomaszewski, "Wokół obywatelstwa Żydów polskich," pp. 504-519).

13 Ignacy Izaak Schwarzbart (Szwarcbart) (1888-1961), a Zionist activist, barrister, member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile, organised aid for Jews persecuted under the German and Soviet occupation (https://sztetl.org.pl/pl/biogramy/4564-schwarzbart-ignacy [accessed 15 May 2023]; D. Stola, Nadzieja i zagłada. Ignacy Schwarzbart - żydowski przedstawiciel w Radzie Narodowej RP (1940-1945), Warsaw, 1995).

14 Arcybiskup Józef Gawlina, p. 203.

15 On the threats related to the issue of assimilation and abandonment of religion by those calling themselves "Poles of Mosaic faith," see I.B. Singer, Dwór, Cracow, 2016; I.B. Singer, Spuścizna, Cracow, 2016.

Introduction

In the nineteenth century, Europe saw dynamically developing nation-states, the democratisation of societies, and the acquisition of civil rights by broad social classes. The consequence of these phenomena was the process of emancipation and assimilation that affected, among others, the Jewish community in Germany. An example of these pursuits is the creation of a prayer book for Jewish services in German by Abraham Geiger (1810-1874) in 1854. Its author was an advocate of the removal of the Hebrew language from prayer and liturgy, as well as suggested abandoning the "dream" of a Jewish state founded in Palestine.1 As a natural consequence, these actions evoked a patriotic sentiment towards the state of Prussia among German Jews. Jewish traditions and customs (circumcision, celebrating Shabbat on Saturday) were considered backwards. In the 1870s, German authorities legalised the division of Jewish communes into liberal and (non)orthodox, which had a significant impact on the development of Jewish identity.2 In Russia, this process took a different course. Under Tsar Alexander III (1881-1894), sentiments against the emancipation of Jews were revived. Particularly in Ukraine, pogroms of the Jewish people took place, tolerated by the Tsar's regime. Societies were showing an intense fear of the Jews' impact on the economy. Until the October Revolution, pogroms served to strengthen the status of the tsar's regime.3 After the year 1917, they were no longer a manifestation of the state politics, but a phenomenon that was a side effect of the civil war between General Anton Denikin's (1872-1947) Volunteer Army and the Red Army, since Jews were identified with the Bolsheviks.4 In turn, in the West, Jewish nationalism had risen, founded by Theodor Herzl (1860-1904). His supporters believed that for Jews, the best solution would be to build an independent Jewish nation state, e.g., in Palestine. This was opposed by Jewish communists striving to tear down the "old order in Europe," as it was based on Christian foundations, by means of a violent revolution.

The assimilation plan, which envisaged equal rights for the practitioners of the Mosaic faith and the activity of Jewish communists, did not earn more respect for the otherness of Jews; on the contrary, it caused antisemitism and anti-Jewish sentiments to become more common.

What is the difference between antisemitism and an anti-Jewish sentiment? Do individuals who are vocally against Jews deserve to be called "antisemites" regardless of their intentions? Where does the line between antisemitism and anti-Jewish sentiment lie? This issue has been addressed by numerous researchers.5 The distinction between anti-Judaism and antisemitism originates from the considerations made by Hannah Arendt.6

As an ideology, antisemitism stands out with its hostility and hatred towards Jews, its nature based on race. An advocate of this trend supports isolating Jews and even calls for them to be eliminated as a species that is inferior by nature and is a threat to the world. This term (antisemitism) was first used by Wilhelm Marr in 1879, following the official granting of equal rights to Jews in the German Empire.7 It is worth mentioning that Marr did not juxtapose the followers of the Mosaic faith with Christians, but with Germans.

On the other hand, an anti-Jewish sentiment is an attitude of aversion towards and discrimination against Jews. Its determinants are related to culture, customs, society, or politics. It entails a fear of Jews as a threat to the identity of society. A Jew is not seen as someone worse, but someone different.8 As Piotr Trojański states, anti-Judaism created conditions favourable to eliminating Jews for racial reasons, though it was not a phenomenon that would inevitably lead to this objective being executed.9 It could also serve as an excuse to persecute. Until the Second Vatican Council, one of the sources of this ideology was the teachings of the Catholic Church. In all fairness, one must not forget, though, that anti-Christian attitudes of the followers of Rabbinic Judaism preceded the anti-Jewish behaviours.10

However, had antisemitic ideas originated solely in Christian anti-Judaism, then they would not have introduced elements rooted in socialism or paganism.11 According to the author of this publication, when it comes to discussing the society of the Second Republic of Poland, that is, interwar Poland, a state where about 10 percent of inhabitants were Jews and where the key publicly debated questions were, i.a., "What is Polish identity?" and "What does it mean to be Polish?," the distinction between antisemitism and an anti-Jewish sentiment is of substantial importance. In interwar Poland, the attitude towards the followers of the Mosaic faith was characterised by anxiety, fear, jealousy, and antipathy. At times, it also took the form of rejection, violation of rights, envy, and hostility.12 This distinction appears to be of fundamental importance when discussing Józef Gawlina's stance on the Jewish issue.13

The future archbishop was born on 18 November 1892 at Strzybnik near Racibórz. In 1914, he entered the Theological Seminary in Wrocław. One year later, he was conscripted into the German army. He fought on the French front (where he was wounded), in Palestine, and Syria.

In 1921, he was ordained a priest in Wrocław, and just one year later, he was already a member of a group of priests responsible for building Polish Catholic life in Upper Silesia.

In 1924, Gawlina was appointed secretary of the Catholic League in the Apostolic Administration of Upper Silesia, where he managed the editorial team of Gość Niedzielny and was tasked with organising the Catholic Press Agency in Warsaw. In 1933, he was appointed a military bishop. After the outbreak of the Second World War, he was wounded during the bombing of Łuck. He accompanied (first in France and then in Great Britain) the Commander-in-Chief's Staff. During the military actions, he witnessed the creation of the Polish Armed Forces in the USSR. He accompanied Polish troops in the Near East, Palestine, Africa, and Italy. He was a close associate of Cardinal August Hlond. The preserved correspondence between the clergymen proves that their relationship was based on courtesy and trust. One may even venture to say that they were best friends.

Between 1930 and 1932, Gawlina was a member of the Consilium Vigilantiae Diocesan Council, which sought to combat modernism, sectarianism, socialism, and communism, among others, in the Katowice diocese.14 Rev. Gawlina was an ambitious man raised in a traditional Silesian family. His personality was natural, authentic, direct, and completely honest, which was not always appreciated by his circle.15

The key publications addressing the life and activities of Bishop Józef Gawlina during the period in question include papers by Rev. Prof. Jerzy Myszor and his students, who investigate the clergyman's undertakings.16 The attitude of the Church towards the Jewish question in the Second Polish Republic is addressed by Roland Modras,17 Damian Pałka,18 and Dariusz Libionka.19 The issue of Judaism in the Polish Army during the Second World War is investigated by Tomasz Gąsowski,20 Jacek Żurek, and Tomasz Rygier.21 An important source of information on the experiences of Polish Jews in Soviet Russia is the study by Maciej Siekierski and Feliks Tych.22 There is also abundant literature on the organisation of military Christian ministry in interwar Poland and during the Second World War.23

This study seeks to analyse Józef Gawlina's attitude to the Jewish matter. Based on available source material, not only does the author investigate the clergyman's stances and concepts on the followers of the Mosaic faith, but also, abstaining from an ahistorical approach, he makes the effort to show them in light of the contemporaneous state of knowledge, social relationships that were at play, and the historical background. Furthermore, he puts forward a thesis about the anti-Jewish stance Józef Gawlina adopted towards the followers of the Mosaic faith, which was identical to the views of the Primate of Poland, Cardinal August Hlond. The opinions held by the Strzybnik-born priest were influenced by his life experiences and the social-political situation in the Republic of Poland between the two world wars.

The book provides a broad discussion on events that Bishop Gawlina participated in or, at least, knew of, as well as matters that had an impact on his decisions. It is noted that Bishop Gawlina was a Polish patriot with an anti­-Jewish attitude who was not an antisemite; nonetheless, a fact he proved by saving the lives of Jews. The process and evolution of Bishop Gawlina's outlook on mutual Polish-Jewish relations is also presented (from the First World War to 1944). It is explained why Bishop Józef Gawlina helped Jews who were in the USSR (1942) while opposing the anti-Polish persecution led by Jewish communities in England (1943).

The objective of this study is not to present the history of Jews in Poland, but to provide an answer to the question of the relationship the military bishop had with them during the discussed period. For this reason, a reader who expects a comprehensive approach to the issue of mutual Polish-Jewish relations might feel dissatisfied.

The timespan of this analysis covers a period starting from young adulthood (first mentions of Józef Gawlina's attitude towards Jews) to 1943, when his study on this matter was released in an issue of the Ruch Kato­licki periodical.24 In subsequent years, engrossed in his new responsibilities (from 1949, he was serving as the Protector of Polish Emigrants), faced with the inability to return to his home country, he was impartial in matters related to Jews.

To answer the question about Bishop Józef Gawlina's stance regarding the Jewish question, the author investigated the Archives of the Society for Christ in Poznań, the Archives of the Polish Catholic Mission in England and Wales, and the Archives of the Church and Hospice of Saint Stanislaus in Rome. Notably, the materials from the Archives of the Catholic Mission and the Archives of the Society for Christ related to Bishop Gawlina's activities have not yet been arranged. The search revealed correspondence from Polish Jews to the military bishop. Materials on Bishop Gawlina's attitude towards Jews can also be found in the Archives of the Polish Institute and Sikorski Museum in London, Jasna Góra Archives in Częstochowa, or the Yad Vashem Archives in Jerusalem. Despite the conducted investigation, no interesting materials on Bishop Gawlina's activities for Jews in the Second World War were found in the Vatican Apostolic Archive and the Historical Archives of the Secretariat of the Holy See. Likewise, the Archives of the Archdiocese in Katowice have no materials on Bishop Gawlina's legacy.25

This book comprises three chapters and an appendix. Chapter one presents a brief biography of Bishop Józef Gawlina. It offers a closer look at the situation of Jews in Poland, particularly in Upper Silesia, after the re-establishment of independence. The clergyman's approach to the Jewish question in the pre-war period and to civilians during the Second World War is also investigated. Chapter two describes the situation of Poles deported to Soviet Russia during the occupation and presents the process of forming the Polish Army in the USSR, as well as the evacuation of the military and civilian families in 1942. The reasons that prevented the followers of the Mosaic faith from leaving Soviet Russia are discussed. Lastly, the scope of aid rendered to this community by Bishop Gawlina is presented. One can wonder if the activities taken by the military bishop for Jews in the USSR can be referred to as "saving" them, or solely extracting them from poor living conditions.

As mentioned by the author, Jews deported deep into the USSR during the Second World War provided accounts of the hell of the Soviet prisons, gulags, and work camps. It is not by accident that their accounts, quoted in this study, bear the title, Widziałem Anioła Śmierci [lit. I have seen the Angel of Death] (compiled and edited by Maciej Siekierski and Feliks Tych).

Bishop Gawlina showed exceptional courage, actively helping Jews. As noted in this chapter, he was operating against some of the Polish commanders who had antisemitic sentiments. In the summer of 1942, when he was trying to obtain permission from the Soviet authorities to leave some chaplains for Poles who were forced to stay in the USSR, seeing how the NKVD was treating Jews, he did not hesitate to help them. For this reason, the author believes that Bishop Gawlina's activity, motivated by noble reasons, selfless, and even harmful to the pastoral activity conducted among Poles in the USSR,26 saved many Jews from death. A similar assessment of Bishop Gawlina's actions was provided by rabbis whose testimonies are included in the Appendix.

Chapter three contains sources and manifestations of antisemitic behaviour in the Polish Army during the Second World War. The military bishop's attitude towards this issue is also described.

The book draws on rich source material (incorporated into the main body, the attachments, and the Appendix). The principle that the author abided by when editing this material was faithfulness to the original. In translating the source material, contemporary English was used, with no attempt to mark the archaisms or linguistic errors present in the original Polish text.

The author's notes were put in square brackets. Illegible words were replaced with an ellipsis in square brackets. The words that have been deciphered yet without certainty are followed by a question mark in a square bracket. Translated fragments written in foreign languages are provided in the footnotes. Biographical notes were penned using encyclopaedic publications, lexicons, and biographical dictionaries, though the mentioned individuals were not always successfully identified. In many instances, the primary source of information was material published on websites, though it was verified against scientific publications. The sources are specified solely in biographical notes compiled by the author. In this book, the author uses the following terms as equivalents: Soviet Russia, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and the USSR. When juxtaposing the term "Poles" and "Jews," the latter is understood by the author as "the followers of the Mosaic faith." In turn, the term "Polish Jew" stands for a person entitled to Polish citizenship27 pursuant to the Act of 20 January 1920 and the Constitution of March 1921. This term is equal to the term "Polish citizen of Jewish nationality."

The author would like to express his gratitude for the encouragement to address this subject to Rev. Prof. Jerzy Myszor. The author received invaluable assistance from the Director of the Archives in Poznań, Rev. Prof. Bernard Kołodziej, and the Director of the Archives of the Polish Catholic Mission in England and Wales, Mrs Jadwiga Kowalska.

Józef Gawlina's first contact with the followers of the Mosaic faith

The turn of the twentieth century was a time of intensified Germanisation in the Prussian Partition and Silesia. Its objective was to deprive the Poles inhabiting that area of their national identity. The German authorities administered punishment for using Polish at school and for reading Polish literature. In the course of the Germanisation of the Polish people, an important role was played by the struggle against the Catholic Church. This is because the Christian faith served as a medium for Polish patriotism and traditions. The Church was shaping the Polish national identity, yielding the stereotype of the Pole-Catholic. Józef Gawlina, who was born in 1892, acquired the love for his homeland - which has been erased from the map of Europe for almost a hundred years - in his family home. His father was a moderately wealthy landowner with 16 morgens of land and a restaurant. He was a resourceful man who instilled the sensitivity to others' poverty into his children.1 Deeply rooted in the family, the sense of Polish identity endured longer than the state did. From his school years, the future bishop was engaged in patriotic activities,2 focusing significantly on Polish national awareness, which led to his repression on many occasions. The rural commune of Strzybnik, where he was born, was not uniform in terms of nationality, as it was inhabited by families that sympathised with both Poland and Germany,3 and admitting one's Polish identity required much courage.

Until the outbreak of the First World War, Gawlina had no contact with the Jewish community, of which there were but several people where he lived, up to 3 percent. In his Wspomnienia - the memoirs he penned after the Second World War - he noted, "Having been raised in Upper Silesian countryside, I did not encounter them, as they were not there. In lower secondary school, I had amicable relations with Jewish colleagues."4 Young Gawlina's activities were focused on maintaining the Polish identity. Most likely, his peers at school - the followers of the Jewish faith - turned out to be understanding and accepting of his beliefs.

After the outbreak of the First World War, Józef Gawlina was conscripted into the Prussian Army. For the first time, he had the chance to learn about the customs and traditions of people of Jewish origin there. He spoke particularly fondly of Sergeant Makse. He reminisced about his resourcefulness with high regard, valued his authenticity and foresight, and particularly the fact that he did not deny his Jewish roots.

Makse made a positive impression in Józef Gawlina's memories; however, he harshly criticised the attitude of many Jewish soldiers. The future military bishop observed that to improve living conditions, food, and treatment, they were fulfilling orders from Prussian superiors without dignity, indiscriminately and subserviently, caring only for their own interests, without any consideration for solidarity with other soldiers.5 Most likely, it was then that the first crack appeared in his attitude towards Jews who were willing to abandon their dissimilarity and autonomy for material gains.6

An event that had a decisive impact on Gawlina's approach to the followers of the Judaic faith was their behaviour at the 1921 plebiscite, where the ownership of Upper Silesia was to be voted on. Since the re-establishment of Poland's independence in November 1918 failed to resolve this issue, the Treaty of Versailles mandated a poll where people from or living in that region were supposed to decide whether it would be annexed by Poland or remain with Germany. Poles and Germans alike valued each and every vote. Back then, the area of Upper Silesia was inhabited by over 10,000 Jews who had been Germanised by the time Poland's independence was reinstated and identified with German culture and statehood, as evidenced by their activity in German social and political organisations.7

Consequently, in the plebiscite that was groundbreaking for the history of that region, they voted for Germany almost unilaterally.8 Local rabbis were actively involved in the polling, advocating for Germany. Many German Jews came to Upper Silesia to cast their vote for Germany, spending their time "to visit centuries-old Jewish cemeteries in Wielowieś, Cieszowa, Biała, and Bytom, where their parents and ancestors lay."9 Prussia's fight to keep Upper Silesia within the borders of the Reich was also supported by Jewish bankers from Berlin who were making a profit on selling coal.

With the memory of positive contacts with Jews in his childhood, Józef Gawlina roundly condemned, even twenty years later (in 1939-1940), not so much the anti-Polish attitude of the German followers of Judaism during the plebiscite and the refusal to any possibility to amicably cooperate under the new political conditions, but rather Poles in Upper Silesia being accused of antisemitism.

What thing about the Jews' behaviour caused young Gawlina to harbour resentment? Firstly, their allegations pertained to pogroms in the territory of the Second Republic of Poland and not the area covered by the plebiscite.10 The information echoed by German citizens of Jewish origin in Upper Silesia, aimed at portraying the Republic of Poland as a radically nationalistic state, was intended to influence voting on the course of borders.11 What is more, it seems that the persecutions of Jews, mainly in Galicia, were caused primarily by the economic situation and not nationalism.12 Secondly, the purpose of these rumours was not only to ensure safety for Jews in Upper Silesia but also to guarantee the integrity of their property.

The experiences of the First World War and the events in Upper Silesia in its wake formed young Józef's belief about Jewish prudence.

From then on, he did not trust Jews in matters related to nationality. Twenty years later, in 1940, as a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile, founded in France, he concluded that Jews of Polish origin needed to self-identify in terms of country. To allegations of antisemitism against Poles that were made during the Second World War by a Zionist and member of the National Council, Ignacy Schwarzbart,13 Rev. Gawlina responded that at the time of the plebiscite, it was Jews who "sided with Germans" and unilaterally sided with "the so-called stronger one, that is, Germans" in Silesia.14 The situation was hence complex. Both sides shared an unwillingness to engage in dialogue, and each of them had "good points."15

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